(re-posted here January 5, 2016)
edits, July 1, 2016 - Nov. 26, 2018
(Note: this a slightly shorter and updated version of the May 2, 2013 edit of the article published at Global Research, plus 2016 updates and a couple of pictures. This story became very important within a few months, and remains informative in context of what's come since.)
Two Versions of the Khan al-Assal Chemical Attack
Since
the perplexing conflict in Syria first broke out two years ago, the
Western powers’ assistance to the anti-government side has been
consistent, but relatively indirect. The Americans and Europeans lay
the mental, legal, diplomatic, and financial groundwork for regime
change. Meanwhile, Arab/Muslim allies in Turkey and the Persian Gulf
are left with the heavy lifting of directly supporting Syrian rebels,
and getting weapons and supplementary fighters in place.
The
involvement of the United States in particular has been extremely
lackluster, at least in comparison to its aggressive stance on a
similar crisis in Libya not long ago. Hopes of securing major
American and allied force, preferably a Libya-style "no-fly
zone," always leaned most on U.S. president Obama’s
announcement of December 3, 2012,* that any use of chemical weapons
(CW) by the Assad regime – or perhaps their simple transfer - will
cross a "red line." And that, he implied, would trigger
direct U.S. intervention. This was followed by vague allegations by
the Syrian opposition - on December 6, 8, and 23 - of government CW
attacks. [1] Nothing changed, and the allegations stopped for a
while.
* 2016 Update: That was the pronouncement I noticed at the time, but it turns out the first utterance of the red line threat/offer was on August 20, 2012, exactly one year before the Ghouta attack....
However, as the war entered its third year in mid-March, 2013, a slew of new
allegations came flying in. This started with a March 19 attack on
Khan Al-Assal, a contested western district of Aleppo, killing a
reported 25-31 people. Dramatic imagery run by state news agency SANA
and from a Reuters photographer showed people – including children
- suffering breathing problems, some already deceased. People said
they could smell chlorine. Many of those who died were Syrian army
soldiers.
The Syrian government and related sources were the first to report the incident, blaming "terrorists" as usual. In an equally predictable answer, rebels accused the Syrian military of launching the attack but missing their target. [2] Both initial versions came with moral denunciation of the perpetrators on the other side, and these curses were echoed by outside supporters along unsurprising lines. Washington, the New York Times reported, "cast doubt on claims that the opposition had used chemical weapons and said it was evaluating the possibility that the government had used them." Other mentioned hunches were that the government "used chemical weapons and tried to blame its opponents," that it accused rebels "to prepare cover for its own future use of them," or did so "to distract from its use of long-range Scud missiles against civilians." [3]
Russia’s foreign ministry, in contrast, said "the use of chemical weapons by the armed opposition … (is) a new and extremely alarming and dangerous turn." They added "we are extremely, seriously concerned by the fact that weapons of mass destruction have gotten into militants' hands." [4]
Syria demanded an investigation into the event by the United Nations, and everyone else agreed. A team was assembled, but then in early April Syria blocked them, for reasons that come across as mysterious. Soon, the world was hearing unprecedented recognition that perhaps Obama’s "red line" had been crossed - not by "terrorists," but by the Assad regime - somewhere, at some time(s) since December. The deadly nerve agent sarin is increasingly specified, for reasons that aren’t entirely clear.
The
demand for an investigation began with Syria's government, the day
after the attack in Khan al-Assal. Their representative at the U.N.,
Dr. Bashar Al-Ja'afari, on the 20th
requested the Secretary-General to form a "mission to
investigate the use by the terrorist groups operating in Syria of
chemical weapons yesterday against civilians." He specified that
the effort should be "technical" "independent,"
and "neutral." [8] Russia supported that, with deputy
foreign minister Gennady Gatilov saying "we expect that the UN
secretary general will promptly react to Syria’s request."
Iran backed the call, and continued pressing various nations and
leaders, with little success, to condemn the attack as an opposition
one. [9]
Reuters
was given letters between Syria's Ja'afari and one of Ban’s
deputies, U.N. disarmament affairs director Angela Kane, discussing
the investigation’s terms. In one, Kane said Aleppo would be the
main focus, but "we must remain mindful of the other allegations
that chemical weapons were used elsewhere in the country." [15]
It was apparently the U.N. end that leaked the conversation; an April
6 letter had Syrian Foreign Minister Walid al-Moualem complaining to
Secretary-General Ban that the leaks "left the impression of a
lack of seriousness on the part of the (U.N.) secretariat on
cooperation in good faith." That too was shared with Reuters.
[16]
Rejecting Regime Change Maneuvers
** 2016 Update: They tried in an unexpectedly big way within a few months of that prediction, on the birthday of the "red line" threat/offer almost to the hour ... killing 400-1400 in the Damascus suburbs of Ghouta, just as Ake Sellstrom's team of UN investigators finally arrived there to investigate the Khan al-Assal sarin attack by rebel forces. How's that for irony?
Locals speaking to SANA after the attack |
The Syrian government and related sources were the first to report the incident, blaming "terrorists" as usual. In an equally predictable answer, rebels accused the Syrian military of launching the attack but missing their target. [2] Both initial versions came with moral denunciation of the perpetrators on the other side, and these curses were echoed by outside supporters along unsurprising lines. Washington, the New York Times reported, "cast doubt on claims that the opposition had used chemical weapons and said it was evaluating the possibility that the government had used them." Other mentioned hunches were that the government "used chemical weapons and tried to blame its opponents," that it accused rebels "to prepare cover for its own future use of them," or did so "to distract from its use of long-range Scud missiles against civilians." [3]
Russia’s foreign ministry, in contrast, said "the use of chemical weapons by the armed opposition … (is) a new and extremely alarming and dangerous turn." They added "we are extremely, seriously concerned by the fact that weapons of mass destruction have gotten into militants' hands." [4]
Farm animals reportedly killed in the attack |
The
full details of the case are best handled in a separate article, but
in short, this incident has strong indications of being a rebel
attack. There’s no clear guess from the opposition side which
chemical agent (not sarin) was used, or what the delivery system was.
The government version is clear: a homemade rocket that emitted a
vapor of chlorine and saline hit near an army post. * Rebels in Aleppo
have plenty of chlorine gas, some 400 tons or more stolen from an
Aleppo-area factory seized by Jabhat al-Nusra (al-Qaeda in Syria) in
August, 2012. [5] They have many basing areas surrounding loyalist-held Khan al-Assal, custom rockets with reported ranges up to 60 km [6],
and as far as we know warhead expertise obtainable to serious
terrorist networks. Given all that, it’s little comfort to hear as
a denial, from opposition spokesman Louay Meqdad, "we have
neither long-range missiles nor chemical weapons. And if
we did, we wouldn't use them against a rebel target."
[7] Syria, in contrast, swears if they had CW, they would never use
them against their own people, even enemies like Meqdad.
* 2016 Update: it seems the chemical tests (by Syrian and Russian experts) showed sarin was in this mix, explaining a death toll that a simple chlorine attack would not cause under normal circumstances (the death toll would most likely be zero from chlorine, was about 30 in the Tokyo subway attacks with sarin).
Syria demanded an investigation into the event by the United Nations, and everyone else agreed. A team was assembled, but then in early April Syria blocked them, for reasons that come across as mysterious. Soon, the world was hearing unprecedented recognition that perhaps Obama’s "red line" had been crossed - not by "terrorists," but by the Assad regime - somewhere, at some time(s) since December. The deadly nerve agent sarin is increasingly specified, for reasons that aren’t entirely clear.
All
this has kicked off a renewed drive for intervention based on
intelligence assessments of WMD dangers, evoking widely-noted
memories of the bogus U.S. case for war on Syria’s ally, Iraq, one
decade ago. The latest developments cast doubt on the imminence of
outright military involvement - yet again. However, the danger
persists, the accusations stand as a pressure and a danger to the
people of Syria, and the purported casus belli deserves all the
scrutiny it’s been getting and more.
As
this article relates the battle over an investigation of this
incident, it should be noted from the start that the case for a rebel
attack in Aleppo is stronger and clearer than most realize. Yet that
narrative - and that attack in general - have been effectively
sidelined, in favor of whole other alleged attacks. It’s only been
six weeks since this saga began, but they were weeks of the whirlwind
sort. Considering where all the twirling has left us - horribly
confused, if not on the brink of war - I offer this article towards
un-spinning the record to discover just what happened in that time.
Conflicting Urgencies at the UN: The Battle Over Scope
Syria's voice at the UN, Dr. Bashar al-Jaafari |
Western
powers always publicly agreed it was worthy of investigation. Every
party was clear that they wanted the truth, and both sides agreed on
using terms like "impartial" and "urgent" to
describe their solutions. Yet the best approach was consistently
disagreed on.
Both
Russia and Syria complained on the 20th,
the same day Syria first asked for a probe, that the
U.K. and France had blocked it,
in a "stalling" measure. [8] The Western powers used the
stall to explain, in a letter from France and the U.K. on the 21st,
why the U.N. should instead "launch an urgent investigation into
all allegations," rather than just the one. [10] What
they proposed was the investigative model now prevailing and blocked
by Syria. It has three alleged CW incidents singled out as needing
investigation;
- The March 19 Khan al-Assal attack
- A same-day incident in the Damascus area (Otaybah)
- An older incident in the city of Homs, on December 23, 2012
The
incident in the Otaybah suburb of Damascus does merit a look, but so
far there is little to go on – some videos of apparent rebels
struggling to breathe, but not even a death toll.
[11] The eastern Damascus suburbs around and north of here have
witnessed at least three further CW allegations (Aadra March 24,
Jobar April 6, Otaybah April 9) with at least one now said to have
yielded samples suggesting sarin.
The
December Homs incident (al-Bayada district) featured several apparent
rebel fighters gasping for breath, and various alleged details. More
than 100 were reportedly exposed to the unknown gas, with six
reportedly killed. This was taken seriously once and investigated by
Western governments. The general consensus by mid-January was some
kind of riot control gas used in the wrong concentration. [12] The
dismissal is not certain, however, and now the incident is back in
the limelight, thought by the British and French to require urgent
scrutiny.
But
however important those other cases are, all this investigation drama
began immediately after the well-documented incident in Aleppo, and
Syria’s unprecedented request for others to come have a look.
On
hearing a demand to investigate the Otaybah incident, representative
al-Ja'afari said he'd never heard of it, proposing that the
allegation "was set up on purpose to
torpedo the investigation on the real use of chemical weapons
which took place in Aleppo." [8]
Russia's
U.N. envoy Vitaly Churkin voiced suspicion that "this was really
a way to delay the need for immediate, urgent investigation of
allegations pertaining to March 19 by raising all sorts of issues."
[8] This
"unjustified step" of widening the probe, Russia’s
foreign ministry warned (perhaps with some hyperbole), "wrecks
the investigation of concrete information." [13]
As
the following events show, they were apparently onto something. The
battle over the scope - with the multi-attack format winning in the
end - repeatedly delayed and complicated the original request from
the nation of Syria, which remains to be granted.
U.N. Maneuvers: Ban Joins the Battle
U.N.
Secretary General Ban Ki Moon first seemed favorable to Syria’s
position; he announced on March 21 that while there were clearly
"other allegations," the probe would focus on "the
specific incident brought to my attention by the Syrian government."
However, he announced on the 25th
that it might be broadened after all, and asked for more information
from everyone. [14]
Angela Kane,U.N. disarmament affairs director (Reuters) |
U.N.
representative al-Jaafari returned to this issue in statements of May
1, saying that there had been an "agreement reached," with
disarmament chief Kane, to send the team to Aleppo. He explained how
the agreement was first reached in letters on April 3. The terms
aren’t specified, but apparently were to Syria’s satisfaction,
meaning no mandatory insistence on other sites. Jaafari says there
was a short meeting on April 4 that cemented the agreement, with a
longer session set to finalize the details. [17]
But,
as SANA reported, "Kane then went back on the agreement … and
delivered a letter the next day contrary to the previous agreement."
She explained this by saying that the Secretary General Ban had just
received new information on the December incident in Homs, upping its
urgency and requiring cancellation of the agreement to visit Aleppo.
SANA noted that "Al-Jaafari wondered how the UN Secretary
General could have new information available to him" just then
and so quickly, and also stated that Ban’s apparent procrastination
"raises more doubts on the attempt to politicize the issue to
achieve the goal sought by some Western, Arab and regional countries,
similar to what happened in Iraq before it was invaded." [17]
So
once again on April 5, the added attacks blocked any investigation
that could happen. Whatever their reasons, Syria would not agree to
anything but its request to study the Aleppo incident, and true to
that, Damascus held open that door even after this turn. Foreign
minister Moualem modified the offer on April 6, as a Reuters report
summed it up, "the
inspectors should go first to Aleppo and if they are seen to be
impartial, the possibility of visiting Homs could be discussed."
[16] The Jerusalem Post reported that "Western delegations"
didn't like this; more than just too little too late, they "said
the Syrian response of April 6 was unacceptable and that the chemical
weapons team must have assurances now that it can visit both Aleppo
and Homs," and also the Damascus area, presumably. [18]
Whatever
one’s suspicions about what would happen afterwards, no one has
offered a reason that the Aleppo attack should not
be investigated. One site and one site alone could (ostensibly) be
agreed to by all, and investigated without delay. As the U.S.
representative to the U.N., Susan Rice, said on March 21 (as Khan
al-Assal seemed to be the priority): "the United States supports
an investigation that pursues any
and all
credible allegations … as swiftly as possible." [19]
But
Secretary-General Ban re-affirmed in a public statement of April 8
that it could wait. He said:
"It
is a matter of principle that when there is an allegation, whether it
is one or two or multiple allegations, all these allegations should
be investigated. Only then will we be sure that there was or there
were uses of chemical weapons. Without that nobody can be sure."
[20]
He does not explain why investigators of any one incident needed to know what happened at x number of other sites in order to "be sure" what happened there. But without bending to that inexplicably holistic philosophy, and its growing list of interlocking allegations, Syria would get no U.N. investigation at all. Perhaps for dramatic effect, as Ban noted, an advance team was already in Cyprus, "ready to go to Syria within 24 hours." The scope of the investigation almost seems broader yet with his statement: "All we are waiting for is the go-ahead from the Syrian government … to determine whether any chemicals weapons were used, in any location" [21]
It was quite an impasse. Syria’s request, it could be argued, had been
torpedoed.
Rejecting Regime Change Maneuvers
Syria’s stern and narrow insistence on its initial request is clearly part of the impasse that resulted. Given the risks of war, it would seem unwise to refuse cooperation, and the exact reasons they did refuse are not widely or clearly understood. There is the pride issue, and other considerations, like clues of bad faith (leaking letters), and structural signs of duplicity. For example, it was promised that the Khan al-Assal portion of the probe would be handled "initially" and/or "primarily." But a Western diplomat told Reuters on March 27 that the U.N. team would be based in Beirut, Lebanon. [22] That’s clear across Syria from Aleppo, but quite near the sites around Damascus and Homs, which were the "primary" interests, it seems. It’s difficult to imagine a probe that started with these southern addenda finishing with both sites and managing to cross the war-torn nation to Aleppo, all without the process getting derailed first. It is, however, a good formula for denying Syria’s request, even if a team were actually deployed.
Besides the issue of which incidents to study, the Russian foreign ministry felt there was a shift to increasingly invasive demands on the government. They stated that the shift came "under pressure from Western members of the (security) council," and might represent "attempts to drag this issue out and turn an investigation under the aegis of the United Nations ... into an additional element of pressure for regime change." [23]
Russia said that for geopolitical balance, all permanent five (P5) members of the Security Council (US, UK, France, Russia, China) should send experts for the probe. [23] Secretary-General Ban answered by banning scientists from all P5 members, as well as from other involved parties, like Gulf Arab states and Turkey. [24] Syria thought they should have a say in staffing the investigation, but Ban reserved the right. [15] He decided the probe would be staffed by varied scientists selected by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). [17]
As nice as that sounds, the OPCW’s director-general is Ahmet Üzümcü, a Turkish career diplomat with possibly compromising links to his belligerent nation. According to his Wikipedia entry, Üzümcü was previously Turkey’s consul in Aleppo, as well as ambassador in Israel and the permanent representative of Turkey to NATO. [25] This could hardly help Syria to feel anything other than threatened; the selected scientists would be, in effect, deciding if they could turn up justification for the US/NATO to openly join in the war against Syria, waged most fiercely so far from Mr. Üzümcü’s home nation.
From the outset, there were signs that the West and the U.N.’s leadership intended the requested investigation to lead into Iraq-style inspections of Syria’s closely-watched CW stockpiles. Ban Ki Moon insisted that it would require "unfettered access" to locales not clearly defined, and cryptically noted "It is my hope that the mission would contribute to ensuring the safety and security of chemical weapons stockpiles in Syria." [26] He didn't specify how a technical mission to investigate what happened in one or even three locations would help make Syria's alleged CW more "secure." That it would become a sneak inspections regime in the Iraq vein, however, might explain that strange hope.
Syria’s
decision-makers can hardly have missed these further clues that this
was the plan:
1)
The investigation, staff, mandate, etc. was to be negotiated between
Syria and, specifically, the U.N.'s office for Disarmament Affairs.
2)
Swedish scientist Åke Sellström was put in charge. He had
previously been a chief inspector for UNSCOM, the U.N. inspection
team in Iraq in the 1990s, and worked with UNMOVIC in 2002, which
found no basis for the claims on which the war on Iraq was launched
anyway. [14]
3)
The "investigators" as originally tasked were increasingly
referred to as "inspectors."
More
important yet were signs of invasive intent. Ban specified, publicly
even, that the U.N. would have to investigate "in any location."
[21] Russia’s foreign ministry announced on April 6, as a Reuters
report summed up, that the U.N. "was seeking overly broad access
for investigators to facilities
and individuals
(note: not crime scenes) in Syria and wanted to use aircraft for
transportation. "This approach brings to mind the line taken
over an investigation into the presence of chemical weapons in Iraq,
which was based on deliberately false data and led to well-known
consequences," it said, … "We
consider such actions unacceptable and inadmissible by any party and
moreover by the leadership of the U.N. Secretariat.""
[27]
While
the full details remain unclear, Russia’s accusations in this area
remained dramatic and troubling. Foreign ministry spokesman Aleksandr
Lukashevich told RT on April 27 that:
“The
management of the UN Secretariat demanded that Damascus agree to the
establishment of a
permanent mechanism for inspection throughout Syrian territory with
unlimited access to everywhere. … The
proposed scheme of inspections is similar to those used at the end of
the last century in Iraq, which, unlike Syria, was under UN
sanctions.”
[28]
Bashar
al-Jaafari would later explain that the planned mission, "moving
freely on the Syrian land based on letters including baseless claims
whose aim is clearly malicious" was unacceptable, "especially
when these letters and requests are submitted by countries that have
been hostile towards Syria since the beginning of the crisis."
He also said "respecting the international law and the UN
Charter demands a strong respect of the sovereignty of countries …
We expect the UN General Secretariat not to be part of this campaign
targeting Syria … What happened in Iraq has been alive in our mind
until this moment, and our region in general and Iraq in particular
are living the repercussions of such false claims." [17]
Information minister Omran al-Zoubi also told RT that one of the
goals of the mission as configured "is to repeat Iraq’s
scenario, to pave the way for other investigation-inspections."
[28]
It
was just after these parallels were created, and as Ban and the West
made it most clear by April 8 that the inspection must be
all-or-nothing, Damascus announced, essentially, that it
would have to be nothing.
Syria’s foreign ministry on April 8th said Ban has "suggested
a supplementary mission to deploy throughout Syrian territory"
and placed "additional tasks" that would constitute a
"violation of Syrian sovereignty." He did so, they said,
under "pressure exercised by states known for their support for
the shedding of Syrian blood." And so, they announced, "Syria
cannot accept these maneuvers from the UN's Secretariat-General,
taking into account the truth of the negative role it played in
Iraq."
[29]
Most
Western media reports blame the impasse on Syria, and they did in
fact block the U.N. team’s entry. However, as this article shows,
there were several questionable actions (and alleged actions) by the
other side determining what the "no" came in response to.
Most
reports cite the scope of attacks to investigate as the only dispute.
But these inexplicably invasive aspects seems to be the straws that
broke the camel’s back, laid more quietly, right before the audible
snap. Therefore, they deserve more scrutiny and explanation.
Consider
this: if the government had been demanded to surrender and disband
before any investigation, no one could blame them for refusing. That
extreme example set one end of the scale on which Damascus’
decision was made. On one end of this scale is a design to force
Syria to reject its own investigation in a way that could be easily
blamed on them alone. On the other end is a regime so desperate to
conceal its patterns of abuse that it blocked the most reasonable of
demands. U.S. State
Department spokesman Patrick Ventrell took this view, saying "if
the regime has nothing to hide they should let the UN investigators
in immediately so we can get to the bottom of this.” After strongly
suggesting they did have something to hide, Ventrell threatened that
all options - including military ones - remained open. [30]
Sarin After the Failure: Confusion Yields to "Confidence"
To
be clear, the investigation was not quite fatally sabotaged. In lieu
of in-country work, the U.N. says Sellström’s
team
was working on Cyprus anyway, investigating what they could from
there. Spokesman Martin
Nesirky told a press briefing “you need to be able to go into Syria
to be able to do that investigation properly on site, but in the
meantime … information is available without actually visiting
Syria."
[31] Hypothetically, this could still expand into something more
substantial, but past events leave little room to suspect it will.
April
8, when Syria made it clear there would be no visit, is an important
point to pin on the accusation-investigation timeline; five days
later, a new type of report emerged. British military scientists
previously dismissed the Aleppo attack chemical as a "super
strength tear gas," after looking at videos but before studying
the alleged soil samples. [32] This effectively
played the incident down, while Syria was pursuing an investigation
(March 24).
But on April 13, the same people at Porton Down came back with
results from the Damascus area, reportedly showing "some
kind of chemical weapon." The scientists wouldn’t say which,
but specified "it
can’t definitively be said to be Sarin nerve agent,"
suggesting perhaps that it was. [33]
Based
on this, most likely, Britain
and France wrote separately to the UN on or before April 18, more
sure than ever that the Syrians were using chemical weapons,
repeatedly, since December. [34] On the 23rd, Israel and its top
intelligence people went public as agreeing that sarin was used,
citing public imagery and something classified. [35] What they sent
the Americans was presented by the White House on the 25th as
convincing their intelligence community, "with
varying degrees of confidence," that Syria has used chemical
weapons including at least sarin, "on a small scale." [36]
The report noted there was still caution, especially over chain of
custody issues, but this is the closest the Obama administration has
come to saying its red line is crossed.
As
the world was left hovering at this dangerous juncture, questions
thankfully were publicly raised. Several good articles, mainstream
and alternative, have reported and analyzed these in recent days, and
even Western politicians are getting it, sporadically.
As
the UK Guardian noted, there are two
types of evidence cited in support of sarin use: "physical
samples
… and
videos, photographs and witness accounts."
[37] Alleged witness accounts should be obvious in their
unreliability, and the remaining classes of evidence have their own
serious problems too. An informative April 25 report from McClatchy
news service heard
from unnamed but authoritative sources that investigators "found
trace amounts of a byproduct in soil, but there are also fertilizers
that give out the same byproduct … It’s far from conclusive."
[38]
As
for the video and photo evidence, there are now infamous images of
two men with white liquid around their mouths or noses, like
slightly-foamy milk. They show no other clear symptoms and no one is
wiping it off. [39] The Guardian cited one
expert that this "would not be indicative of use of nerve
agents." Another said more strongly "it's
not possible that what is being shown to the public is a chemical
weapons attack.
The video from Aleppo showing foaming at the mouth does not look like
a nerve agent. I'm wholly unconvinced." [37]
Impunity and Repetition
Syria’s
Information
Minister Omran al-Zoubi seems at least reasonably justified in
saying, as SANA reported on April 26, "the Western sides …
want now to hide behind this "fabricated and false" talk
["that chemical weapons were used by the Syrian army in other
areas"] to justify their silence on failing
the investigation mission requested by Syria and to exonerate the
terrorists."
[40] The correlation between exoneration and impunity on the one
hand, and repetition of crimes on the other, is simply common sense.
Repetition should be expected.
The
above-mentioned images in of people "foaming at the mouth,"
as cited in mid-April, are connected to a then-new chemical
allegation in Aleppo, this time in the city’s sprawling Sheikh
Maqsoud district. This case looks better for rebels in that they had
just conquered the Kurdish-majoity area for the first time (and
subjected it to a reign of terror, incidentally), and may have been absorbing
some government attacks. Opposition sources blame a regime
helicopter, not one of their own mortars, for dropping the
unidentified gas early on the morning of April 13. The attack
reportedly poisoned 15-16 people non-fatally, and killed one woman or
perhaps two, and two young children – reported as 4 and 18 months
old. [41]
World
powers have been saying these people were likely killed by a
government sarin attack. But even as the nerve agent charges
evaporate, Jabhat al-Nusra’s stolen chlorine remains a suspect. If
this even was a gas attack, please note that some
impugn
and thus enabled party was again gassing people in Aleppo, less than five
days after the threat of investigation there evaporated like the
morning fog.
Then
on April 26, there was an unconfirmed report from the Barzeh
neighborhood of Damascus, that entrenched rebels gassed attacking
army soldiers, killing some. [42] Three days later in Saraqeb, Idlib province,
northwest Syria, 2-5 civilians died after exposed to unknown liquid
and/or powdered chemicals, with both sides blaming each other. We
know that rebels took the bodies back to their patrons in Turkey for
study, to see if they can get NATO air support now. [43] If not, and
until someone changes their thinking, "the regime" should
be fully expected to try yet again to get themselves caught crossing
Obama’s "red line."**
One portion of the Ghouta Massacre's x-hundred victims |
First, there was an agreement reached in early July, and a visit by Sellstrom and Kane to Syria on July 24-26, saying they agreed with Damascus "on the way forward," in a joint statement on the 26th. (see here). With the investigation moving forward, rebels launched a desperate offensive to re-take Khan Al-Assal, which succeeded just before the visit, on July 22. This let them commit a massacre of 50 captured soldiers, and perhaps over 100 civilians, likely including witnesses to the attack who now couldn't speak.
Unable to visit Khan al-Assal directly, due to security concerns over the rebel occupation, Sellstrom's team arrived in Syria to investigate all three incidents on August 18, two days before the Ghouta incident. Of course they still didn't get to investigate even indirectly in Aleppo, becoming too busy sampling Ghouta locals with token sarin traces, while failing to test any of the actual x-hundred dead bodies (see here).
The tests would likely show what the visuals do - these people were killed in a variety of ways that at least often did not involve sarin, ranging from carbon monoxide to chlorine to sliced throats (see here), and to the extent it was, the question of whose sarin was scrambled and side-stepped. The UN team's findings helped to blame the government again, and the U.S. recognized the "red line" as being massively crossed by a clear government sarin rocket attack, and threatened military attacks. These were called off when Damascus agreed to join the OPCW and surrender its remaining chemical weapons (only to get accused of chlorine attacks after this...)
The tests would likely show what the visuals do - these people were killed in a variety of ways that at least often did not involve sarin, ranging from carbon monoxide to chlorine to sliced throats (see here), and to the extent it was, the question of whose sarin was scrambled and side-stepped. The UN team's findings helped to blame the government again, and the U.S. recognized the "red line" as being massively crossed by a clear government sarin rocket attack, and threatened military attacks. These were called off when Damascus agreed to join the OPCW and surrender its remaining chemical weapons (only to get accused of chlorine attacks after this...)
Later the UN came back, and finally examined the Khan al-Assal incident, but found too much time had passed to be clear what happened, and the world had definitely moved on to other chemical accusations ...
2018 update: later everyone agreed sarin had been used, and it had the same chemical markers as the kind used in Ghouta, to distract the probe into the first use and maybe get Syria bombed. So, it's widely concluded, the regime launched BOTH attacks with their unique, caustic, impure, foul-smelling sarin which has turned up in most or all attacks since.
So as we're to gather: Assad + co. gassed their own on accident, blamed "terrorists," demanded a probe for months, got the team there just in time to distract them with the same sarin dropped next door to kill, like, a million babies, maybe in a miscalculation in their use of that sarin just there and just then. Why? Because they're "dumb as bricks," as Higgins shrugs it off (responding to a different question but to the same effect).
References /
Notes :
(ACLOS
= A Closer Look on Syria, the site at which the author shares most of
his research)
[2]
ACLOS, Alleged chemical attack, March 19 - Organized but incomplete
main page:
http://acloserlookonsyria.shoutwiki.com/wiki/Alleged_chemical_attack,_March_19,_2013
Detailed
but sloppy talk page :
http://acloserlookonsyria.shoutwiki.com/wiki/Talk:Alleged_chemical_attack,_March_19,_2013
[3]Syria
and Activists Trade Charges on Chemical Weapons By ANNE BARNARD, New
York Times. Published: March 19, 2013
http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/20/world/middleeast/syria-developments.html?pagewanted=1&_r=1
[4]
Moscow
alarmed by use of chemical weapons by Syrian armed opposition The
Voice of Russia, March 19, 2013 19 March, 19:15
http://english.ruvr.ru/2013_03_19/Moscow-alarmed-by-use-of-chemical-weapons-by-Syrian-armed-opposition/
[5]
Syria’s Civil War: The Mystery Behind a Deadly Chemical Attack By
Aryn Baker, Time, April 1, 2013
See
also: ACLOS, chlorine:
http://acloserlookonsyria.shoutwiki.com/wiki/Talk:Alleged_chemical_attack,_March_19,_2013#Chlorine
[6]
ACLOS, rockets :
ht tp :/ /a cl os er lo ok on sy ri a. sh ou tw ik i. co m/ wi ki /T al k: Al le ge d_ ch em ic al _a tt ac k, _M ar ch _1 9, _2 01 3# Pr op ul si on :_ Re be l_ Ro ck et s
[7]
Syria regime, rebels trade chemical weapons accusations Agence
Frace-Presse, via Global Post, March 20, 2013.
http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/afp/130320/syria-regime-rebels-trade-chemical-weapons-accusations
See also: Al-Akhbar English:
http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/accusations-swirl-over-syrian-chemical-attack
[8]
West stalls Syria chemical attack probe in U.N.: Russia Michelle
Nichols and Louis Charbonneau, Reuters, via Chicago Tribune, 6:56
p.m. CDT, March 20, 2013
http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/sns-rt-us-syria-crisis-chemical-unbre92j0re-20130320,0,6271830.story
[9]
Various articles from Press TV highlight efforts to get various
leaders and powers to condemn the rebel attack. For example:
Kazakhstan:
http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2013/03/31/295955/iran-urges-kazakhstan-to-slam-cw-use/
Armenia:
http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2013/04/01/296010/iran-urges-armenia-to-slam-cw-attack/
The OIC chief and even Ban Ki Moon are reported as doing so, but
really just condemned the attack, apart from attacker.
http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2013/04/15/298381/oic-condemns-chemical-attack-in-syria/
(Moon article hard to re-locate - were they ordered to retract it?)
[10]
U.N. launches probe of possible Syrian chemical arms attack. By
Michelle Nichols and Louis Charbonneau, Reuters, March 21, 2013,
6:56pm EDT
http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/03/21/us-syria-crisis-chemical-un-idUSBRE92K0OY20130321
[11]
ACLOS has not investigated this yet. See :
http://www.lccsyria.org/11106
(Ateibah)
http://thelede.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/04/25/videos-show-aftermath-of-possible-syrian-chemical-attack-in-march/
http://www.enduringamerica.com/home/2013/3/20/syria-special-assessing-tuesdays-chemical-weapons-attacksand.html
[12]
ACLOS, Dec. 23 attack:
http://acloserlookonsyria.shoutwiki.com/wiki/Alleged_Chemical_Attack,_December_23,_2012
[13]
West
wants to use Syria chemical weapons charge for regime change, says
Russia. Steve Gutterman, The Independent (Ireland), 25 MARCH 2013
http://www.independent.ie/world-news/europe/west-wants-to-use-syria-chemical-weapons-charge-for-regime-change-says-russia-29152774.html
[14]
Swedish scientist to head U.N. Syria chemical weapons probe Michelle
Nichols and Louis Charbonneau, Reuters, Tue Mar 26, 2013 8:00pm EDT
[15]
No
agreement on Syria access for UN chemical arms inspectors By Louis
Charbonneau, Reuters, April 4, 2013
http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/04/04/syria-crisis-chemical-idUSL2N0CR1KS20130404
[16]
U.N. talks with Syria on chemical arms probe at impasse By Louis
Charbonneau, Reuters, UNITED NATIONS, Thu Apr 11, 2013 8:20am EDT
http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/04/11/us-syria-crisis-chemical-un-idUSBRE93919B20130411
[17]
Al-Jaafari: Syria Is Waiting Investigation
Team into Khan al-Assal Incident, Demands Credible Information
on Other Claims. Syrian Arab News Agency, May 1,
2013 http://sana.sy/eng/22/2013/05/01/480100.htm
[18]
West has 'hard evidence' of Syria chemical weapons use Reuters and
Jerusalem Post, April 12, 2013
http://www.jpost.com/Middle-East/West-has-hard-evidence-of-Syria-chemical-weapons-use-309614
[19]
Statement by Ambassador Susan E. Rice, U.S. Permanent Representative
to the United Nations, on the UN Investigation into Chemical Weapons
Use in Syria U.S. Mission to the United Nations, New York, NY, March
21, 2013 http://usun.state.gov/briefing/statements/206494.htm
[20]
Syria Blocks UN Chemical Weapons Mission By Margaret Besheer, Voice
of America, April 08, 2013
http://www.voanews.com/content/syria-blocks-un-chemical-weapons-team/1637442.html
[21]
All
Syria chemical arms claims must be probed: U.N.'s Ban. By Anthony
Deutsch, Reuters, The Hague, Mon Apr 8, 2013 8:39am EDT
http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/04/08/us-syria-crisis-un-ban-idUSBRE93709620130408
[22]
UN
yet to reach chemical inquiry accord with Syria: envoys Agence
France-Presse via Global Post, March 27, 2013 15:47
http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/afp/130327/un-yet-reach-chemical-inquiry-accord-syria-envoys
[23]
Russia, China must be part of Syria chemical arms inquiry: Moscow.
Reuters, Reporting by Steve Gutterman in Moscow and Ari Rabinovitch
in Jerusalem; Editing by Alistair Lyon. Mon Mar 25, 2013 5:45am EDT
http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/03/25/us-syria-crisis-russia-idUSBRE92O08A20130325
[24]
UN
excludes major powers from Syria chemical arms inquiry. AFP via
Global Post, March 26, 2013
[25]
Ahmet
Üzümcü. Wikipedia, last modified on 21 March 2013 at 16:11
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahmet_Üzümcü
[26]
U.N.
to Probe Alleged Chemical Weapons Use in Syria. By Edith M. Lederer,
Associated Press (via Time), March 21, 2013.
http://world.time.com/2013/03/21/un-to-probe-alleged-chemical-weapons-use-in-syria/
[27]
April 6 complaints: Russia Condemns UN Probe Into Alleged Chemical
Weapons Used In Syria By Megan Davies and Steve Gutterman, Reuters
(via Huffington Post) April 6, 2013
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/04/06/russia-slams-expansion-of_n_3029263.html
See also: http://www.itar-tass.com/en/c32/698669.html
- http://sana.sy/eng/22/2013/04/06/476141.htm
[28]
Chemical
inspection stalled: UN team can’t be trusted ‘politically’
without Russian experts – Syrian information minister Aril 27,
2013.
http://rt.com/news/syria-chemical-iraq-scenario-483/
[29]
Syria
rejects 'broadening' of UN chemical weapons probe Asianet via Global
Post, April 10, 2013 15:43
http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/asianet/130410/syria-rejects-broadening-un-chemical-weapons-probe
[30]
‘Soil
sample proves chemical weapons used in Syria’ Times of Israel Staff
and AP, April 13, 2013
http://www.timesofisrael.com/soil-sample-proves-chemical-weapons-used-in-syria/
[31]
Syria
Blames West For Chemical Weapons
Attacks As UN Investigates From Afar. Talk Radio News Service, April
26, 2013.
http://www.talkradionews.com/united-nations/2013/04/26/chemical-weapons-syria-denies-un.html#.UXuPHkarU98
[32]
Aleppo attack likely tear gas and not nerve agent, analysts say. By
Times of Israel Staff and AP. Times of Israel, March 24, 2013
http://www.timesofisrael.com/aleppo-attack-likely-tear-gas-and-not-nerve-agent-analysts-say/
[33]
‘Soil
sample proves chemical weapons used in Syria’ Times of Israel Staff
and AP, April 13, 2013
http://www.timesofisrael.com/soil-sample-proves-chemical-weapons-used-in-syria/
[34]
April 19 letter
http://www.nytimes.com/2013/04/19/world/middleeast/Syria.html?_r=0
[35]
Israel Says It Has Proof That Syria Has Used Chemical Weapons. By
David E. Sanger and Jodi Rudoren, New York Times, April 23, 2013
http://www.nytimes.com/2013/04/24/world/middleeast/israel-says-syria-has-used-chemical-weapons.html?_r=0
[36]
U.S.: Intelligence points to small-scale use of sarin in Syria. By
Michael Pearson, CNN
[37]
Syria chemical weapons – Q&A. By Julian
Borger, The Guardian, April 26, 2013.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/apr/26/syria-chemical-weapons-q-and-a
[38]
U.S.
believes Syria may have used chemical weapons; experts offer caution.
By Jonathan S. Landay, Matthew Schofield and Anita Kumar, McClatchy
Newspapers, April 25, 2013.
http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2013/04/25/189653/syria-used-chemical-weapons-white.html
[39]
ACLOS: “Foaming at the mouth” :
ht tp :/ /a cl os er lo ok on sy ri a. sh ou tw ik i. co m/ wi ki /T al k: Al le ge d_ Ch em ic al _A tt ac k, _A pr il _1 3, _2 01 3# Fo am in g_ at _t he _M ou th .3 F
[40]
Information
Minister: Western Sides Are Directly Responsible for Chemical
Weapons Use in Khan al-Assal. Syrian Arab News Agency, April 26,
2013.
http://sana.sy/eng/22/2013/04/26/479394.htm
[41]
ACLOS :
April 13 attack :
http://acloserlookonsyria.shoutwiki.com/wiki/Alleged_Chemical_Attack,_April_13,_2013
[42]
ACLOS, April 26 :
http://acloserlookonsyria.shoutwiki.com/wiki/Talk:Alleged_Chemical_Attack,_April_26,_2013
[43]
ACLOS, April 29:
http://acloserlookonsyria.shoutwiki.com/wiki/Talk:Alleged_Chemical_Attack,_April_29,_2013
January 08, 2016 The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) has confirmed the traces of the sarin gas used in Syria are not linked with the Syrian government’s former stockpile of chemical weapons. The report corroborates the Syrian government’s assertions that the faction responsible for the chemical attack, as well as 11 other instances of chemical weapons use, was the Syrian opposition.
ReplyDeleteThe report also substantiates last month’s claims from Ahmed al-Gaddafi al-Qahsi, cousin of Muammar Gaddafi, who said that the chemical weapons used in the incident had been stolen from Libya and later smuggled into Syria via Turkey by militants.
The announcement follows an investigation carried out by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) at the request of the Syrian president Bashar al-Assad and the Syrian government. “In one instance, analysis of some blood samples indicates that individuals were at some point exposed to sarin or a sarin-like substance” said Ahmet Uzumcu, the head of the OPCW. He later added that the sarin gas examined bore different characteristics to the one formerly owned by the Syrian government.
When the devastating sarin gas incident left some 1400 civilians dead in East Ghouta in 2013, the United States, European Union and Arab League were quick to accuse Bashar al-Assad and the Syrian military of utilizing its chemical weapons to combat Islamist rebels in the Syrian capital.
http://www.globalresearch.ca/organization-for-the-prohibition-of-chemical-weapons-opwc-confirms-rebels-used-chemical-weapons-not-assad/5500017
Thanks, not following the news very well so I missed this. Al-Masdar original: http://www.almasdarnews.com/article/assad-never-used-chemical-weapons-islamist-rebels-did/. I'm skeptical of the Gaddafi claim, should look into OPCW statements. See also Pmr9 comments here pointing to Zanders blog analysis.
Delete