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Warning: This site contains images and graphic descriptions of extreme violence and/or its effects. It's not as bad as it could be, but is meant to be shocking. Readers should be 18+ or a mature 17 or so. There is also some foul language occasionally, and potential for general upsetting of comforting conventional wisdom. Please view with discretion.
Showing posts with label Buddhists. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Buddhists. Show all posts

Sunday, March 18, 2018

On Social Media and "Anti-Rohingya Hate Speech"

March 17, 2018

Yanghee Lee, the UN's Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, recently said "Facebook has now turned into a beast" for allowing the promotion of violence and/or hate against Muslims in Myanmar (BBC News). The mass-displacement, burning of villages, and man killings alleged last year against the so-called Rohingya (hereafter Rohingya Mulsims) * A soon-to-be released report contained the details leading the commission to raise pressure on the social media giant to better enforce safety.

Before addressing the grave human rights problems UN people and Facebook are struggling with ... some overlooked context before we take one step forward. There's an optional step back afterwards, but I have to briefly take us here again.
* (they speak a dialect of Bengali they call Rohingya, but there are also Hindus, etc. who speak the same dialect but are not the subject of dispute).
 
The Real Beast in Myanmar
There were many unprovoked massacres of Rohingya civilians alleged, but only one killing of ten men at Inn Din has been proven and admitted and stands as an undeniable violation. These men are claimed as civilians, but the supporting stories contradict each other and they were most likely militants. Other militants, if not the same, had just provoked the local Buddhists by murdering one, then overrunning the area, looting homes as villagers hid in the monastery. Later, after some clashes and the arrest of 10 suspected fighters, some soldiers let the slain farmer's sons strike some blows. The Mullah or religious leader among the captives was beheaded. It was a brutal and illegal act, but a provoked one, and may literally be the only such thing soldiers or Buddhist civilians participated in.  (see here),

Many other alleged killings remain just alleged, lacking not just a government admission but also lacking bodies or other evidence, and often shifting and illogical stories that can hardly all be true. (see some details covered in various posts here and in part 3 of my Indicter series). Several hundred to 1,800 or more civilians were reportedly butchered just the village of Tula Toli on August 30, as supposedly witnessed by some 70+ survivors and witnesses, but with no one filming it, and with clashing details. They even lodged clashing false reports about the real killings at Inn Din. Their Maung Nu massacre happened on two different days, etc. The record is a real mess. A while back I issued a sort of challenge to the media on "fake news" and the Myanmar alleged ethic cleansing. (I mean to do more follow-up, but didn't really expect any response).

Considering truth is hard to know but sometimes discernable upon investigation of the evidence ... there was exactly one proven massacre of clear civilians, and close to 100 of them. And this one that we know happened, this tip of a possible iceberg ... was by Rohingya Islamist militants. Declared infidels, the Hindus were kidnapped from their homes near Kha Maung Seik in the far north, just hours after ARSA attacks overran security forces in the area. Men, women, babies, and elderly alike were marched off and slaughtered with blades and dumped in narrow, deep pits hidden in the brush. 93 of them were either verified as killed or remain missing and presumed dead.

The Muslim militants also spared but kidnapped eight pretty women aged 15-25, whom they converted them by force to Islam and started marrying off to each other. Under this captivity, the women were held briefly at the Kutupalong refugee camp  in Bangladesh, and made to tell false stories under the threat that their children's throats would be slashed if they didn't. But this didn't work very well, and the police were called in soon. The Muslim men in the group fled, and the women, along with 10 children spared along with them, were rescued and eventually sent back to Myanmar. At first chance in the camp and ever since, they've told this story, not the one the Muslims had them say.
That's my reading, stated as fact, like so many others just do. I usually try to avoid it; dealing in likely facts that millions are trained to disagree with, you don't get far just swearing it's true. But here I'll go out on a limb and say that is what happened. For reasons, see my pretty powerful article on this amazing story at the Indicter. The following photo and quote is a good summary, from a detailed report in a government-aligned newspaper, Global New Light of Myanmar (GNLM).



The GNLM report adds that people speaking unknown foreign languages were involved, with one of these co-leading the operation, in which perhaps 500 fighters were involved. They shouted Allahu Akbar and called the massacre their celebration of the feast of Eid al-Adha. Local co-leader "Norulauk" reportedly told the victims before they died the area was now "our territory. … we will murder Buddhists and all of you who worship the statues made of bricks and stones.” But he also made the central error of letting those eight women and ten children to live to eventually report these details of an ethnic cleansing campaign.

Human Rights Watch was watching and had a response on September 27, as half the victims' bodies were found. Their South Asia Director, Meenakshi Ganguly, penned the closest to an HRW statement on this horrific violation, claiming that “no one has been able to independently verify the Burmese government’s most recent allegations,” which amounted to their “playing politics with the dead.” But these women called in their stories from the refugee camp in Bangladesh, telling the authorities where to find the bodies tucked away in three mass graves that seem designed to stay hidden. You don't need independent confirmation of the claim when there's an independent source for it. But HRW had no more to say, being far too busy issuing detailed reports promoting similar claims from the other side.

This isn't the only point but the best introductory one, a rare glimpse allowed by that unusual decision to leave some witnesses alive. In most Islamist false-flag massacres none of the real victims is left alive to tell the truth. Yet the chance for a rare view was happily bypassed by the most "credible" voices. Reading the news, many will have heard of this amazing story either barely or not at all. Isn't that odd? An aborted fake version of the Kha Maung Seik massacre was blamed on Buddhists dressed up to look like ARSA, attacking Muslims and Hindus alike, and was written in on three different days in various sub-versions. That got just as much attention as the true story did, before the whole mess was left unresolved and buried.

Dealing with Sunni extremists, as ARSA and its supporters clearly are, we should expect a lot of deception here, and perhaps no truth underneath it. Myanmar government might literally be telling it like it is, however many voices in the echo chamber here have said otherwise. HRW may never let themselves see it, but the evidence is pretty overwhelming anyway - if there's one "beast" to worry about in Myanmar it's Saudi-style Wahabbi extremist Sunni Islamism.

Every baby is born pure, but some Muslim-born ones go to a Saudi-style school or learn it at home, and wind up joining Al-Qaeda, the Taliban, ISIS, or the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, depending where they live. These often wind up butchering infidels and framing other infidels for it in lies to yet other infidels - information jihad. They might consider everyone who watches any news or any video screen to be an infidel.

So ... one should proceed with caution, but hardly anyone vested with "credibility" does so.  That may be because - as in Yugoslavia, Iraq, Syria, Libya, Yemen, and elsewhere, they pick the same enemy states the West already wanted to take out, In a team effort, these regimes are toppled or crippled at every chance. The Islamists get away with their part and even get rewarded, sometimes with a new nation like Kosovo (or Arakan?) created to house them. And so they keep doing it, accelerating greatly in recent years. Just in the last decade millions have died often horrible deaths from this, and others live under inhumane captivity by or control of these poisonous people. If someone could claim control of or steer it, this global network of Sunni extremism would definitely be a "weapon of mass destruction" in itself.

There's no hint the UN's human rights people, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, etc. are on the lookout for this, even ignoring glaring inconsistencies in the stories they lodge, as they maintain a posture of firm belief. That's a serious problem.

And the Islamists with their medieval view use social media to spread their hate, considering it a religious duty. Lee said "I'm afraid that Facebook has now turned into a beast, and not what it originally intended." Having seen some of the false-flag Islamist massacres successfully promoted there to demonize their enemies (notably Alawites in Syria), with or without shocking gory images of the Islamists' own work ... she's right but backwards. Islamism is the beast, and  social media is its pet.

Social Media's Role in the Conflict
This one proven massacre of 93 Hindu civilians at Kha Maung Seik was not planned by Buddhists on Facebook. It was planned by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and allied terrorists, in various and mostly unknown ways.

ARSA's supreme leader "AtaUllah" sent orders on August 24, using WhatsApp, to prepare for attacks on security forces. An August 28 order to burn down Buddhist villages was also transmitted this way. (see International Crisis Group's December report). More secret orders like those to carry out massacres of infidels would probably be done by runners or perhaps coded communications, and not publicly on any social network. The Aug. 28 message sounds like the kind of thing they would mainly communicate this way.

WhatsApp at least should be taken to task for letting militants use their service to order illegal attacks on security forces, and incitements to burn villages. I'm not sure if they have been called out for this, or closed the terrorist leader's account or anything... worth checking into. I gather WhatsApp is more hands-off in their approach than the more discussed sites like Facebook.
But these don't seem to come up as an issue in the news articles, as if Rohingya Muslims - as the persecuted ones here - could never have nefarious purposes to use social media. I mean, isn't the only issue here those genocidal Buddhist? So what to do about them?

IF the UN investigators have Facebook messages of Buddhists or others coordinating mob violence attacks on Rohingya muslim civilians, or openly inciting such attacks or issuing threats - that would be evidence of a problem and would justify counter-action. That's direct criminal activity, like ARSA's WhatsApp messages of August 24 and 28 at least. But nothing of the sort from the other side is mentioned so far.

The Washington Post's Annie Gowen heard from non-Muslim refugees in Sittwe in November, who "said they were afraid to return home because they feared the Rohingya insurgents whose attacks on police posts in their villages precipitated the crisis." One was an older Hindu woman whos entire family was butchered. Another was a Buddhist college student who "recalled that one of his best school friends, a Rohingya, stopped speaking to him after the 2012 violence and later left the country. About three months ago, the former friend messaged him ominously on Facebook, “We are going to kill you.” 

This sort of message would be well outside their rules, and may have been punished. (that's around mid-August, maybe before the August 25 ARSA offensive, so not backlash over the following ethnic cleansing allegations. It might be from an insider planning the violence.) It's quite possible there are similar messages, private and public, from the Buddhist side. Make no mistake, Buddhists are humans. The monks might tend to be above the fray, but certain "ultra-nationalist" ones like the infamous Wirathu have taken pretty ugly stances, which by the way are not supported universally among Buddhists. Regular folks caught up in disputes and violence can get ugly, whatever the religion.  The Inn Din massacre shows they can be physically violent, and it would be no surprise if even more would express it just in dangerous words.

But unless someone can show otherwise, some person's opinion has no relevance to someone else's alleged actions.

Or is it Thoughtcrime They're After?
But it's not clear this sort of direct threat or public hazard is what the UN investigators speak of. It could be they're taking "hate speech" more widely as ideas and speech that contribute to feelings against - specifically - Rohingya Muslims. It would seem fair enough to many, considering the alleged genocide they're going through, a special "never again" speech emergency. Such ideas  do complicate the public perception of the moment's championed victims. It would class as thoughtcrime in the totalitarian future of George Orwell's 1984.

There are troubling signs that the UN commission's thinking here is based on such political motivates.  The BBC News report cites Special Rapporteur Yanghee Lee as saying "We know that the ultra-nationalist Buddhists have their own Facebooks and are really inciting a lot of violence and a lot of hatred against the Rohingya or other ethnic minorities." Actually inciting violence would be an issue, but "inciting hatred" ...
http://www.bbc.com/news/technology-43385677

That phrase just doesn't sound grammatically correct to me, and sounds politicized and vaguely newspeak. One incites violence, or maybe a panic, or the burning of Buddhist villages (from latin to excite, or stir-up usually, something active). Hatred can incite violence, but might need anger added as a spark. Hate is a longer-term state-of-mind thing, not an episode. I think of it as growing, being taught or learned, etc. Nonetheless, "inciting hatred" is a perceived problem people are tackling lately, as if it's a disease you can get from a single glance, or a fire you'll burst into instantly. (see below). It's a semantical issue. Let's jot get hung up on it.

The UN mission's chairman, Marzuki Darusma is cited by the BBC as explaining "that social media had "substantively contributed to the level of acrimony" amongst the wider public, against Rohingya Muslims." He added "hate speech is certainly, of course, a part of that," but some of it was other kinds of speech that also contribute to acrimony, or ill-will against some people and not others. For some reason this is worth a report and a news conference.

And they don't seem to care that it cut both ways. By the accepted reports 1,800 Muslim civilians were butchered at Tula Toli on August 30. With no provocation whatsoever, soldiers and Buddhist mobs surrounded the villagers on the beach, massacred the men, burned babies alive, raped women after killing their children in front of them, etc. Even Buddhist monks took part in it, as claimed. It's still supported by almost zero reliable evidence, but widely accepted as fact at places like the UN. But it would show some very serious hate from some very non-peaceful people.

True or not, might this kind of claim getting repeated all over not lead to bad feelings - and even unjust and poorly-aimed violence - against Buddhists, these satanic butchers claiming a religion of peace?

I didn't find many examples of actual violence against Buddhists outside of the battle zone itself, but I didn't have time to dig far. In Bangladesh, Mizzima.com reported in mid-September, "there have been some minor incidents targeting the Buddhist community" and authorities were stepping up security around their temples, fearing violence by radical Muslims in "revenge" for events in Myanmar. It was a real concern, and the information riling them up came largely by social media. It's been worse in the past; violent attacks by Muslims in Malaysa killed several Burmese Buddhist guest workers in 2013-14 over similar but much tamer allegations at the time, leading the rest to quit work and go back home in fear. (Heizman)

This year it seems oddly restrained and the issue is not so much violent but other possibly unfair backlash; protest, sanctions tarnished image for Myanmar's Buddhist community, and susceptibility to believing more of the same kind of accusations next time around. There's now more yet acrimony against Buddhists from Muslims and from the broader public. It's based on things they've heard and keep hearing, repeated with no skepticism on social media, in the mainstream news, and even by world leaders and UN officials.

These stories must be told in order to even be considered. But from there they should be considered - critically - which they aren't. And true or not, logical or physically possible or not, they most definitely add to vengeful attitudes against Buddhists. They even - dare I say it? - "incite hatred" against them. (having dared to say it, it still sounds stupid. This is clearly teaching hatred (or at least ... disdain, disrespect) by repetition, not inciting it like one would a fistfight).

But the UN mission doesn't seem worried about that trend even as they add to the list of villainy: the Burmese Buddhists try to deny their crimes and spread their hate to the wider world using the Internet. Is it really even-handed universal justice these activists are after?

Otherwise, this could be a political exercise operating under a thin pretense. If so, the consideration at heart would probably be just this: all this talk - especially the true and/or convincing talk - is complicating  their desired picture. It portrays deceptive jihadist mass-murderers where the Western-led "world community" shows more persecuted innocents in need of salvation. All these carefully lodged and accepted ethnic cleansing claims need a clear bad guy, and it has to be the government targeted for sanctions or worse in another regime-change type of campaign.*

* ("crazy thoughts" side-note: This is apparently how the "world community" closes down competitors and eventually absorbs more member states, so as to more resemble the actual entire world, all finally working on one agreed script. This is supposed to ensure peace at last, but war is too profitable and would continue, against member states accused of increasingly petty violations of their membership agreements, etc. So I advise nations and people - don't give in to this possible future. Unipolar power achieved by force and deception is not the way to go.)

How The UN Folks Identified the Problem with Social Media
The UN investigators cite some evidence to explain the problem with hate speech in Myanmar. Just what all that is remains unclear until the report comes out, but the BBC repost says "The interim report is based on more than 600 interviews with human rights abuse victims and witnesses" and other things like "satellite imagery, photographs and video footage taken within Myanmar."

So they again found that a bunch of places really were burned, saw the same weak video evidence and heard strong verbal claims already repeated so widely. They found that "some were burned alive in their homes" etc. etc.  They will hear about the Tula Toli rape huts with, and the carted-away bodies from Maung Nu everyone saw but no one filmed, etc.. They will take the chance to remind us once again of all that and how they totally believe the stories behind it, and totally blame the government and the local Buddhists for a campaign of unprovoked ethnic cleansing against innocent Muslims. Reasonably, in that light, they'll demand accountability. Again, according to my analysis, it's all likely bogus.

And now they can add that the people they blame - Burmese Buddhists, in general - use Facebook to express their dislike of the target group. Surely they can cite some posts including racial slurs, some expressed views in favor of locking the "Bangalis" out, or even a few personal opinions that the "kalar" should all be killed, or even a few direct death threats.

The investigators will probably not be able to show a link from those posts or people to any of the alleged violence and torching of villages last year. It's probably a bunch of lumping-together and blaming the whole community for a spirit thought to underpin all that. And it's partly a show of trying to help the Buddhists become less genocidal, a humanistic but condescending gesture - in lieu of harder options they're also pursuing.

With probably zero relevant connections discovered, Lee and Darusma and the rest the would have us believe somewhere in there is a serious problem contributing to real ethnic cleansing, and Facebook especially needs to solve it by silencing more content than it already is. Well I'm surely not convinced. It seems more like they're acting instead on the political course described above. If so, one can only hope Facebook refuses to play along and sticks to a spirit of fairness and truth.

What Facebook is Doing and What We Could Do
Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp and other social media sites and platforms are private property, allowed to run as the owners see fit. But they've also become so prevalent that they seem like public spaces. All the social media sites agree in embracing the same basic values you'd hope to find there - free speech, public safety, other things in various order. But it's a little ambiguous what to expect or try and demand from them in this regard.

The BBC report notes the chairman of the UN mission, Marzuki Darusma saying "As far as the Myanmar situation is concerned, social media is Facebook and Facebook is social media." So in some minds, they're tackling the issue across social media. The report continues:
Facebook has said there is "no place for hate speech" on its platform.
"We take this incredibly seriously and have worked with experts in Myanmar for several years to develop safety resources and counter-speech campaigns," a Facebook spokeswoman told the BBC.
"This work includes a dedicated Safety Page for Myanmar, a locally illustrated version of our Community Standards, and regular training sessions for civil society and local community groups across the country.
"Of course, there is always more we can do and we will continue to work with local experts to help keep our community safe."
"Safety" sounds good, but "counter-speech campaigns" ...

Sounds aside, this may be an example: "Last July, (Facebook) gave the example of policing use of the word "kalar", which it said could be used both innocuously and as a slur against Muslims." They had some problems sorting out which was which, but think they have it right now and only remove the slur instances. I guess because it refers to the darker skin color of Rohingya Mulsims "kalar" is seen as akin to "nigger" over here. I don't know ...

One hopes they aren't blocking use of Bengali, another preferred term for people who reject the term Rohingya, which was invented to lay claim to the land (from Rakhine, aka Rohan).  I'm using that for shorthand but ...  Are we forcing people to use the name the Bengali Muslims insist on being called and grant them a victory in their campaign? That sounds political.

The mentioned "inciting hatred" - not even violence - was the cause for Facebook just now banning the right-wing Britain First party, now disbanded in the UK. Its leaders were already kicked of Twitter and in physical jail (not "FB jail") for harassment. Specifically, they had agitated against Muslims too, so they're bound to have made some good points then, but maybe not in the right way, etc. (NBC News) Facebook's official statement on this is worth considering as a precedent:


"We are an open platform for all ideas, and political speech goes to the heart of free expression," said Facebook in a statement. "But political views can and should be expressed without hate. People can express robust and controversial opinions without needing to denigrate others on the basis of who they are."


This is the spirt of the policy (spelled out in more detail somewhere) that you should be able to follow and still speak your mind. It sounds reasonable enough...

They'll have rules. We can't demand anything, but would be reasonable to insist the rules allow fair self-expression. This should be the case, unless Facebook or the others have ulterior motives hiding under their public words. And it should not be like targeted sanctions against the "racist bad guy" social media users in this special and likely fake crisis. It should be applied evenly to both sides. Sometimes at least it is. I've seen haters against the Buddhists peddling false evidence and spouting blood libel get their posts removed and entire accounts banned (on Twitter at least). But broadly so far, everyone  can still speak their mind, within limits on a private platform, etc.

For those users worried about their voices being silenced in this effort ... it might be, depending, through no fault of your own. But it becomes more likely if you go against the spirit-grain they're hoping to achieve. So here's some advice that should allow you to carry on within the spirit of Facebook's policy and probably just about everywhere else. (This is my own version, which I follow and find works so far to keep me out of most trouble.

* Basically, think of yourself as a global citizen with some responsibility for the content of the global discussion. Even if you're there casually or drunk or whatever ... if possible, be professional. Which, in context, means things like these:
* If you're trying to educate people about what you think are the facts, take care about those supposed facts. Try to be skeptical even if you like what it says. Verify when possible, check for alternate views. If you want your word to be kind of like news, try to keep it from being fake.
* Try to maintain a humanist attitude even as you deal with issues of serious inhumanity.
* Avoid speaking from hate like you would (I hope) avoid spanking a child in anger.
* Speak from anger only with great care.
* Try to attack the problems with the people and not the people, even if all they seem to have is problems (what they do, not who they are...)
* Be careful about who among the Muslims you're talking about - the babies at least, and even many of the men have no blood on their hands - avoid sloppy thinking and conflation. (see further notes below) *
* Don't threaten to kill people or things like that

But for those trying to deal with this ... As I've suggested, emphasize how very many Muslims in Rakhine state did NOT take part in the crisis last year, did not burn their villages, run off and spout false stories, and have not participated in murders and other violence. Some were killed for this moderation by the other Muslims who insist on violent crisis and an Arakan solution. These loyal Muslims at the very least deserve better than being lumped together with terrorists in a kind of "Muslims are evil" attitude.

Getting philosophical here... underneath it all, even the ARSA terrorists killing their neighbors  are as "not really good or bad" as everyone. If they must be killed or violently stopped - and that is frequently the case - so be it. But this is sad. They were all born blameless babies at one point.
I've always maintained such an attitude and so far I've never been kicked out of anywhere. (I also haven't quite reached a threat profile where you're more likely to be info-assassinated).

* (further notes on "who among them") That last is a tricky issue, especially sharp here - in how militant poisoned Muslims tend to pop out of partly innocent communities. The other side could stand to understand this, but hardly anyone outside of Myanmar is telling them, so they largely just don't realize.  In Myanmar as elsewhere, they hide among the community. Much of the community conceals them willingly. Others ... don't dare defy that trend. The nasty ones, with the actions no one could blame your for hating - they keep coming out and killing others, infidels, year after year. Their education tells them this is okay and encouraged. All they needs is a few guns, a couple of crude IEDs, and some swords and sticks to overrun a village or a security post or both. Then they melt back in and claim repression, causing problems for the government.

This will be tricky stuff for anyone to know and sort out who's who and decide how to deal with it. Simply tolerating it as the cost of a multicultural society imposed on them by ling-term squatters who claim the land as their own. There will be a strong and natural tendency to want that whole community gone to somewhere Muslim or Bengali. Some will be happy at seeing them flee and hoping they stay gone, and wish the government HAD really chased them away as alleged. Few people in the world can understand the kind of frustration they're dealing with.

BBC and the rest ask why do Buddhists hate Muslims over there? They answer: because they have a different religion  and the Buddhists think they don't belong. Uh, no ... they hate them collectively because the Muslim Bengali communities are so riddled with total assholes no one should have to deal with, and they're tired of just being scared of them. That thinking isn't the most laudable, but it's understandable. Following on that, many people want the Rohingya Muslims gone, mostly because they hate and fear them, and also... because they don't belong in the first place (or so runs their thinking). It's clearly the more important part of that picture that's generally left out or de-emphasized.

Sunday, February 11, 2018

Inn Din Massacre: Review of Reuters Special Report

February 11, 2018

I've written about the Inn Din massacre here in January and then at the Indicter. Now the story has evolved with a long-awaited Reuters report:
Massacre in Myanmar A REUTERS SPECIAL REPORT How Myanmar forces burned, looted and killed in a remote village
By WA LONE, KYAW SOE OO, SIMON LEWIS and ANTONI SLODKOWSKI Filed Feb. 8, 2018, 10 p.m. GMT
https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/myanmar-rakhine-events/

This is the investigative piece their reporters Lone and Oo were working on when arrested in December. They remain in jail now on debatable charges. Two other reporters including Simon Lewis helped wrap it up. The report poses as a case-closed super-expose, and it does feature a lot of useful information. But some of it's uncertain and some of it is surely untrue.

The report claims Buddhist locals agree with Rohingya ones that there was no ARSA attack, and that they all happily helped burn the Bengali (Kalar) areas with the intent to drive them out, even though some homes had people still inside. The Reuters team heard that this happened at Inn Din and one other location they got admissions for. They also heard about the looting and re-selling of property.

I doubt the gist of such claims, whoever they're from; in general, I find the government's claims of a fake crisis with Rohingya burning their own villages compelling. It's not proven, and may not be the complete explanation, but I suspect it is the main story - even if every claim in this article is true. And it seems odd how only these two journalists now in jail had the magic to get so many admissions when such things are usually denied. How many secret ARSA supporters are there inside the military? I wouldn't think many. How many corrupt people willing to be bribed to tell a bogus story, most of them anonymously? I would suspect there are a few. Either way, this much-quoted witness sounds dubious:
A medical assistant at the Inn Din village clinic, Aung Myat Tun, 20, said he took part in several raids. “Muslim houses were easy to burn because of the thatched roofs. You just light the edge of the roof,” he said. “The village elders put monks’ robes on the end of sticks to make the torches and soaked them with kerosene. We couldn’t bring phones. The police said they will shoot and kill us if they see any of us taking photos.”
But much of the information at least is valid - some of it is photographic (some photos were allowed!) and seems to tie together. We do know there was a grisly mass execution in this case. Perhaps at Inn Din they made the whole story true, burning and looting included (but with no huge massacre of everyone on the beach, as alleged at Tula Toli). If that's the case, it opens the possibility of the same in other areas, but comes nowhere near proving it. I may look deeper into these claims in a section at the end, but for now, I leave it at maybe, and turn back to the details of the central massacre everyone agrees was committed by security forces and Buddhist locals.

At the start, even if all the side-claims here are true, there's still little reason to accept the rest of the ridiculous record of allegations against Myanmar's military and Buddhist community, or take this as a good precedent. Amnesty International’s regional director for Southeast Asia and the Pacific, James Gomez, called the government's“grisly admission” just “the tip of the iceberg” of crimes in their "ethnic cleansing campaign.” (see here) But interestingly, as Gomez failed to note, the admission did NOT confirm what Amnesty's investigators had learned. He was in a very weak position to talk, having their own work just undermined (see below). And I contend it's most likely the entire iceberg, and not just the tip of it. As I noted earlier, only this case stood out for signs of real evidence and having a realistic story, while "other alleged massacres are of a vastly different character and scale, with scores or hundreds of civilians, even babies, killed with utmost cruelty and for no reasons. So [far] these are also lacking in evidence like bodies found. These Myanmar will probably continue to deny, and perhaps they would be right to do so."

Either way, even with this clearest massacre yet, there are key parts that are probably not true. One oddity at least pops out here: Witnesses say Abdulmalik (the religious leader) went back to the village with some sons "to collect food and bamboo for shelter" but came back (alone?) with soldiers and Buddhists following him. "Abdul Malik walked towards the watching Rohingya Muslims unsteadily, with blood dripping from his head. Some witnesses said they had seen one of the armed men strike the back of Abdul Malik’s head with a knife."

Later and more certainly, he was also beheaded (see below). In between, he was arrested with the others, and shows no sign of a head wound (man #6 and #2 in each of the photos below - sweat but no blood on his shirt, no other sign). How did that come to be? Where did his sons go?

Otherwise, this article comes out fairly well ... compared to the ones before. The rest of this post will address the following three important but under-reported points about this story.
  • The men were probably militants involved in attacks
  • "Witnesses" have given false stories to deny militancy
  • The killing was illegal and brutal, but it was provoked 

The men were probably militants involved in attacks

As mentioned, Reuters hear clear claims of no serious ARSA attack:

"Three Buddhist and more than a dozen Rohingya witnesses contradict (the government's) version of events. Their accounts differ from one another in some details. The Buddhists spoke of a confrontation between a small group of Rohingya men and some soldiers near the beach. But there is unanimity on a crucial point: None said the military had come under a large-scale attack in Inn Din."

"The Buddhists spoke of a confrontation between a small group of Rohingya men and some soldiers near the beach." Implicitly, the Rohingya people, who claim to have been right there on the beach, didn't mention such a thing. Why? Who's lying?

Rohingya refugees still insist the men were innocent civilians picked at random. The report agrees with others before that "The dead men were fishermen, shopkeepers, the two teenage students and an Islamic teacher." And definitely, not a one of them was also a recent or long-term recruit to ARSA. The local Islamist beard style, their fitness and fighting age? Reporter Simon Lewis says in the attached video (2:15) soldiers "picked out ten men, apparently at random." Not even because they looked kind of like fighters? Come on, look at these guys.



Of the three story versions outlined below, stories #1 and 3 are unclear on the number killed: at least 7 or so vs. 10-15. If the Reuters version is correct, the men were summoned in front of everyone, with no reason for ambiguity on how many. But if they were arrested in the field, like hiding out after escaping a rout, it might be unclear to outsiders how many had grouped together to be nabbed in one spot. They might be left guessing who among those missing wound up somewhere else or died in fighting, etc. They did seem to know from the start that the bodies were buried in or near a cemetery, but they apparently didn't get a clear body count.

Consider also how they've been listed. In December, Rohingya blogger published story version 2 that had the right number and a list of names to go with it. But there's a problem here as well - only eight identities line up with what Reuters now reports, with two others swapped out with different men.




The new list is preferable in all regards - rounded off ages, etc. Here we see they go at least as young as 17, not 20. Every age above 30 seems rounded to the nearest five even here. But two entries don't seem to match with the previous list. Was that just a pretty good guess as to who was in the group of ten, after everyone scattered at random following the clash? The bad guesses were more 25-year-old non-fighters. #7 Bangu sounds like #4 Nur Mohamed, repeated via his nickname, age rounded down to look different. Names are still incomplete. Abdul isn't a name - it would translate "servant of the." It needs an obbject. Religious leader Abdulamlik just has no last name given. Same for Abdulmajid, Abdulrahman, and both Abdulhashims. However in some cases the U __ might be their last names.

And consider what their job was supposed to be, as pious Muslims of the Rohingya community. As International Crisis Group reported in December: "ARSA initiated the attacks via a WhatsApp audio message delivered shortly after 8pm on 24 August. It instructed cell leaders to mobilise all male villagers over the age of fifteen, assemble in pre-planned locations with whatever sharp objects were available and attack designated targets." What made these guys decide to refuse that call? Unexplained. All good Rohingya were supposed to fight. But these weaklings just sat there camping with the women and babies until they were dragged away on September 1?

They do seem unusually slow here. Those claiming an attack say it took a week after that call. But by the Rohingya (and some Buddhist?) accounts, they never did attack and were never going to. Why? Obviously, because to strengthen the genocide claim, they need to be more innocent and harmless Muslims who just "watched their Buddhist neighbors dig a shallow grave," knowing they were the victims of blind hate.

"Witnesses" have given false stories to deny militancy

As I outlined in the earlier articles, there were three distinct opposition versions of the story reported between October and January, where it seemed at least two must be untrue.

V1. First Amnesty International heard in October that 5+ men, primarily if not totally, were shot randomly as they ran from their burning homes. The bodies were left behind, and "several" or all were buried individually by family in some kind of cemetery.

V2. Then as photos of bound captives emerged in December, survivors said the ten men were arrested while camping on the beach, then killed and buried in secret, presumably by their killers.

V3. AFP reported in January the men were “slaughtered” after showing up for a “meeting” the army and Buddhists had asked for, and were dumped in a single grave in the Buddhist cemetery, as we understand the locale – not a place Rohingya Muslims would be likely to bury their kin, as told to AI.

Here, it's a different version, but one that just might fuse #2 and 3 into one story, for only 2 stories total, and one re-iterated three times now. Rather than camping on the beach on their own, we hear them men were part of a big group of civilians sheltering there after their homes were burnt (burnings in the "days" following the 27th). On the 1st, Soldiers "plucked the 10 from among hundreds of men, women and children who had sought safety on a nearby beach." They "beckoned with their guns to the crowd of roughly 300 Rohingya to assemble in the paddies, Rehana Khatun, 22, the wife of Nur Mohammed, said “they pointed toward my husband and some other men to get up and come forward ... We heard they wanted the men for a meeting. The military asked the rest of us to return to the beach.”

So they were summoned for a meeting, from the beach, camping with everyone. Okay, maybe they do have the story more consistent since December, so only version 1 is clearly out. But the fact that there's an out story is a serious problem, casting boubt on later versions, even if they do stop wiggling around. If this fused version 2+3 is true, then why did several people agree on a different story before that?

Amnesty's October report: 7 alleged witnesses described killings on an unclear date "several days" after the 25th. Their witnesses "identified five family members who had been killed," and recognized an unclear number of others. It could be 10, but that's not set. "The Myanmar military appeared to target Rohingya men in particular," even though the violence was random - shooting them as they fled their burning homes. AI witnesses heard nothing of arrested people, just 5+ killed, mostly or all men, and left were they fell. One man says he left his handicapped mother behind in their house, only to have it burned down with her inside (possible accident).

Now we learn in much detail how 10 men were arrested, and then killed. They're all seen in photos bound before the act. No one reports mass shooting at random in the Reuters report. The village was empty when burned by most accounts, except one or two homes where people were still inside for some reason. One man was said to be killed for having a phone on the 28th. Hundreds of others were just left alone on the beach, and later were able to flee the area.

Amnesty cited Jamil, 52, who "said his cousin Zafor Hossain was hit by a bullet in his side as the two men attempted to run to a nearby hill."

The later-provided lists give no such victim name - neither Zafour nor Hussein appears.

Jamil "buried his cousin in a graveyard on the edge of the village, before going back to the hill." The report mentions that "several" other witnesses, of seven total, described "burying their loved ones" - perhaps in that same cemetery - after finding them where they fell. Mentions of burial like this are unusual - if soldiers kill people, usually the bodies go in a pit, they say. If they wind up in a cemetery, someone caring must have done it. So here, it's family.

But now we learn the Buddhist killers buried them in their Buddhist cemetery, not a likely place for Muslims to bury their own. They all went into one big grave.

These are TWO different stories: 5+ randomly shot, buried by family vs. 10 arrested and killed, buried by the killers. Why did AI's 7 witnesses report one of these massacres and not the other, why does everyone else do the opposite, and why are the two stories so similar? As I propose, because they've been lodging false stories based on what we or they know, and come up with new versions to fit the expanding evidence. that would mean all of the told stories are untrue. 

The killing was illegal and brutal, but it was provoked


The Reuters article mentions the alleged attack by 200 ARSA fighters on the 31st, if only to deny it. Three Buddhists they spoke to agree with the 12+ Rohingya witnesses that there was no serious attack. They disagree on other points, like if there was a minor fight near the beach, maybe after which the attackers blended in with the civilians camped there... "but there is unanimity on a crucial point: None said the military had come under a large-scale attack in Inn Din," suggesting the government reports of that were lies.

The January 10 military statement on the killings was apparently a gold-mine of details, some cited variously in different reports. UPI's report quoted the statement as saying "This incident happened because ethnic Buddhist villagers were threatened and provoked by the terrorists." Here, as in most reports, the nature of that is unclear. But it's exposed in a sub-story that's mostly been ignored.

Radio Free Asia reported on the statement in more detail. Cited by UPI, this gives more background. On August 25, the day the general offensive began, the ARSA men had killed a Rakhine farmer named Maung Ni, and later broadcast messaged from their mosque loudspeakers “about slashing the throats of Myanmar soldiers and occupying the region.” 200 ARSA fighters attacked security forces on the 31st, but they were chased away except the ten they managed to capture. “Although the soldiers should have handed over the 10 men to police,” the RFA report rightly notes, they took them to the cemetery, and brought in villagers including Maung Ni’s sons. The condemned men “were ordered to get into a pit in a ravine between two hillocks. An ethnic Rakhine villager cut them with a sword and four soldiers shot them, the statement said.”

It was an ugly revenge killing. But the often-ignored flip-side to that is they had something to get revenge over - a grievance. To hear most "news" reports, there was nothing at all to provoke this, just blind hate motivating Buddhists to massacre a select few of their neighbors. And this is the story everywhere. The new Reuters report, to its credit, mentions this motive. But perhaps out of instinct, it also had to cast doubt on something it barely mentions:
On Sept. 2, the men were taken to scrubland north of the village, near a graveyard for Buddhist residents, six Buddhist villagers said. The spot is backed by a hill crested with trees. There, on their knees, the 10 were photographed again and questioned by security personnel about the disappearance of a local Buddhist farmer named Maung Ni, according to a Rakhine elder who said he witnessed the interrogation.
Reuters was not able to establish what happened to Maung Ni. According to Buddhist neighbors, the farmer went missing after leaving home early on Aug. 25 to tend his cattle. Several Rakhine Buddhist and Rohingya villagers told Reuters they believed he had been killed, but they knew of no evidence connecting any of the 10 men to his disappearance. The army said in its Jan. 10 statement that “Bengali terrorists” had killed Maung Ni, but did not identify the perpetrators.
It's true there can hardly be a known link to the ten they managed to nab after an attack almost a week later - it's communal revenge. "You kill one of ours, plus whatever else, we kill ... hey, these ten of yours."

And it may not be verified, but there are credible claims Maung Ni was definitely murdered, and it was clearly by Rohingya militants, as the Reuters report dances around clarifying. Activist Rick Heizman visited the slain man's wife (or so she says, convincingly), and recorded a video interview (on Twitter, Youtube, with English subtitles). She says Maung Ni went to check on the cattle after lunch on the 25th, with a long walk through some woods involved. Since we hear ARSA never launched an attack, even on the 31st, and definitely not on this day, there should be no clear cause for worry about walking the fields. And there should be no militants preparing for an attack in the woods for anyone to stumble upon.

But his widow says the hapless farmer happened upon a group of "hostile Bengali Muslims" who surrounded him. His two adult sons had maybe worried and set out to join him even before that. She says they were just a few minutes behind until they caught up and encountered the same mob. Unable to reach or even see their father, and under threat themselves, they just ran. His wife says she ran the other way, towards the scene with two other local men. But the Rohingya men had swords and spears, and were "yelling terrible things and frightening us all to death," so they too turned back. Everyone ran to the monastery for safety as Bengalis marauded the village and stole their property. They had to cower there for days. 
His widow says Maung Ni's body was found in the woods on a later day, after the family was escorted there by soldiers to have a look. The date isn't clear, and it's not clear if "in the mud" means buried or hidden, or just left there. The manner of killing isn't specified, but from this part of the Reuters report, I'm guessing the Muslims cut off his head. Based just on a murky disappearance, the report states:
One of the gravediggers, retired soldier Soe Chay, said Maung Ni’s sons were invited by the army officer in charge of the squad to strike the first blows. The first son beheaded the Islamic teacher, Abdul Malik, according to Soe Chay. The second son hacked another of the men in the neck.

A graphic photo (included with Reuters report) show the man identified as Abdulmalik (with shirt) had his head completely severed. They chose the teacher of Islam, this religion of peace, to take the return blows to the neck. Hm. As these things go, that seems pretty appropriate. It's not clear who was hacked in the neck by the other brother before they switched mainly to soldiers shooting to finish it off. One witness told Reuters some victims were still alive and making sounds as they were callously buried. I hope this is an embellishment, but it sounds plausible, considering. 

Conclusion

The Reuters report notes this on the government's response:
In its Jan. 10 statement, the military said the two brothers and a third villager had “cut the Bengali terrorists” with swords and then, in the chaos, four members of the security forces had shot the captives. “Action will be taken against the villagers who participated in the case and the members of security forces who broke the Rules of Engagement under the law,” the statement said. It didn’t spell out those rules. ... Tun Aye, one of the sons of Maung Ni, has been detained on murder charges, his lawyer said on Jan. 13. Contacted by Reuters on Feb. 8, the lawyer declined to comment further. Reuters was unable to reach the other brother.

This is taken as a crack in the façade of denial over the broad record of genocidal crimes. It this what we should expect once the secrets of the Tula Toli massacre, for example, come to light? Insiders admit how they slaughtered 1,800 villagers, murdered children in front of their mothers before raping them and burning the houses they were in? No, that doesn't seem likely.

How about the Kha Maung Seik Massacre? There, ARSA still flat denies their fairly obvious responsibility for murdering 93 Hindu civilians and kidnapping 18 others on August 25, just after the ARSA offensive knocked out security. This was no execution of captured fighters, but people marched out of their homes, including women, babies, the elderly. The ARSA-types and their supporters across the globe were last spotted weakly blaming the military and Buddhists, then dropping the subject as much as possible once their best witnesses were rescued and started telling a different story, and half of the well-hidden bodies were found. (see here).

And by the way, Simon Lewis - involved in this Inn Din report - still has an unfinished lead there. He had spoken to some pretty Hindu women rescued by Muslims who swore Buddhists killed their Hindu husbands for refusing to help them kill Muslims (see his article here). You can't make this shit up - they really are making this shit up. They've got 45 bodies found in that case, refugee camp testimony, another religious group co-targeted and sure to join forces now with ARSA. One wonders why Lewis dropped that hot lead with no comment, to pursue this one instead...

Evidence of further crimes

Pressed for time, this is the part I'll lave off, at least for now. To return to, time depending: did Buddhists and the military also torch homes, loot property, etc.? Or was it just the brutal execution of captured fighters? It's important to get that right, but raising these three points seems more like "my job" that no one else would do well enough if I didn't.

Related tweets
general promotion
#Myanmar #InnDinMassacre Review of Reuters Special Report: 3 main points:
1 The men were probably militants involved in attacks
2 "Witnesses" have given false stories to deny militancy
3 The killing was illegal and brutal, but it was provoked

@Reuters
"Reuters was not able to establish what happened to Maung Ni" and heard there was no ARSA attack. So they found no reason for the Buddhists to attack or kill any Rohingya, they're just hate-filled racists.

@Simondlewis
I got the assessment of that Reuters piece re: #InnDinMassacre. Valuable add, gives me SOME pause (some of that put off for now). http://libyancivilwar.blogspot.com/2018/02/inn-din-massacre-review-of-reuters.html … Any response? Note my note on your unfinished work re: #KhaMaungSeikMassacre. Don't get too distracted from that.

(Antoni Slodkowski, Reuters Myanmar Bureau Chief, co-author with Lewis, Lone and Oo)
I already showed Simon, but here's my review of your special report.